The Arms Trade Treaty

The Arms Trade Treaty Derek Matthews International Relations Abstract The Arms Trade Treaty is the result of an international consensus that there is a need for global arms regulation. This belief began to develop after the Cold War in response to consequences facing the international community from countries whom purchased arms unimpeded and used them towards aggressive and oppressive ends.The Arms Trade treaty has been applauded as an initial framework to begin practical implementation of effective arms regulations through the context of international consensus in a way that will reduce egregious human rights violations and increase weapons accountability as well as regional stability. There are criticisms as to the future effectiveness of the treaty because the scope of the treaty covers arms sales, not other forms of arms transfer and because major arms exporters have abstained from participating in the treaty.These realities are staunch hurdles towards the future effectiveness o f governing policies that may evolve from the treaty. Because the treaty has not reached the stage of ratification, an actual analysis of the impacts of this treaty have yet to be seen. Background The origins of the international arms regulation and thus, the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) can be traced back to the start of the Cold War. NATO had an interest in slowing the transfer of advanced military technologies to the Soviet Union.They created the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls (COCOM) to block arms, industrial technologies, and â€Å"atomic† technologies from being exported to the Soviet Union from countries in the Warsaw Pact. This was not a nonproliferation regime and its limited scope proved ill-equipped to handle the emerging problems of the Post-Cold War era. This was evident during the 1991 Persian Gulf War where the Iraqi military was able to build the world’s fourth-largest military with $40 billion in foreign weapons purchases. Lewis, 20 05) After the war, western countries began working on international agreements aimed to stop destabilizing accumulations like the arms transfer component in the Middle East. (Collina, 2012) The idea for these international agreements was proposed by the United Kingdom which wanted a global regime aimed at â€Å"avoiding arms transfers that could destabilize a region, put human rights at risk, or provide inappropriately advanced technology. (Lewis, 2005) The language set forth in this goal would lead to a chain of international agreements and guidelines aimed at reducing illicit arms trade and defining the parameters of what illicit arms trade entailed; the United Nations (UN) Registry for Conventional Arms in 1991, the US begins work on the US Code of Conduct Bill in 1993, the Warsenaar Agreement in 1996, UN Guidelines for International Arms Transfers in 1996,Oscar Arias and a group of Nobel Laureates produce first draft of the International Code of Conduct on Arms Transfers in 199 7, European Code of Conduct in 1998, US passes International Code of Conduct in 1999, UN Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects in 2001, Organization of American States (OAS) Model Regulations for the Control of the International Movement of Firearms, their Parts and Components and Ammunition in 2003, Great Lakes and Horn of Africa region adopt the Nairobi Protocol for the Prevention, Control and Reduction of Small Arms and Light Weapons in 2004, UN begins work on a global arms trade treaty in 2006, the General Assembly of the UN votes overwhelmingly for approval of the global Arms Trade Treaty on April 2, 2013. Shah, 2008)(Charbanneau, 2013) For the two decades following the end of the Cold War, the world has been moving in the direction towards a global consensus on how we should provide accountability and responsibility to the selling of weapons culminating with an almost unanimous agreement laid o ut in the Arms Trade Treaty of 2013 which was passed through the General Assembly of the United Nations with a vote of 155 for, 3 against, and 22 abstained. (Charbanneau, 2013) Reason for the ATT The trade of goods internationally has long been subject to regulation. The import and export of cars and clothes has more restrictions on trade than Ak-47s and rocket launchers. So when the discussion surrounding arms trade regulation began, it was initially just a way for western nations to stem the unfettered growth of aggressive militaries which caused regional instability such as Iraq in the Persian Gulf War.However, once these discussions entered the international arena, it was easy to see the practicality in implementing arms regulation and to contextualize the benefit that regulation would have on preventing numerous other instances of international instability. (UN Conference, 2013) From the Contras in Nicaragua, to the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, to the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda, it is easy to see the potential social and human impact of effective restrictions on the sale of weapons. The reason behind arms trade regulations is to stop weapons from falling into the hands of criminals, gangs, warlords, and terrorists who would use them to oppress human rights and destabilize the region.There are economic impacts as well. The unrestricted sale of weapons results in damages through crime, gang violence, and piracy that vastly exceed the initial profits from selling them. UN peacekeeping missions alone cost the world over $7 billion a year and the global burden of armed violence stands at $400 billion. (UN Conference, 2013) ATT Policy Goals To address the lack of international oversight on arms trade, the UN formulated language designed to codify the growing international consensus of what responsible arms trade should look like. Through various concessions to accommodate differing opinions, they formulated a treaty with two rationales in mind.The firs t was to stop sales to state end-users that would use them to undermine global peace and security, violate international human rights laws, impair socio-economic development, or are at risk to re-export those weapons which then might come into the hands of organized criminals or terrorists. The second rationale is to close loopholes in trade regulations and strengthen the effectiveness of legal frameworks to hinder the illicit arms market which provides weapons to end-users whom would normally be barred from acquiring them through legal means. (Kimball, 2011) The idea behind this rationale is to end the prevalence of weapons smugglers like Viktor Bout, whose actions inspired the film â€Å"Lord of War†.These smugglers effectively exploit loopholes in national and international laws to provide illegal arms around the world. (Austin, 2012) The Arms Trade Treaty would also seek to strengthen transparency and reporting on arms trade transfers and the production of munitions which will provide more accountability for State’s actions. (Kimball, 2013) The treaty was created with the original UN Charter Chapter 7 Article 51 in mind which reads, â€Å"Nothing shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs†. The treaty was shaped to allow arms purchases justified through the realm of self-defense and to fight back against regimes that violate human rights.The vague nature of the language still leaves significant room for state differences on what acts will be deemed self-defense or political struggle. The language is also weak on providing a legal framework to deal with non-state actors and terrorism. The policies laid out by the Arms Trade Treaty are primarily aimed towards better control over the export sale of arms; however there is little language to account for the import of arms or for arms transfers which are labeled gifts, or trades. Impacts and Opinions There are 193 Member States of the U N General Assembly. The vast majority of them agree with the ATT, although most have varying reservations to the limitations of the treaty.The treaty is considered a floor of regulation from which to work with and not a ceiling. 155 States voted in favor of the treaty, the most impactful vote came from the US. The development of this treaty was coming to a close in 2008 after the US Senate voted their intention to deny ratification of a ATT treaty. The withdrawal of support from the top arms exporter in the world would have vastly diminished the prospects for any meaningful implementation without the support of the US. The US has come out in support of this treaty since 2009, and the renewed support by the US fundamentally changes the effectiveness that implementation of the treaty will have.The US did influenced language in the treaty to ensure that the regulations will not impede on State’s domestic gun rights and will not lower the bar of States that already practice a hig h level of arms control. Despite this accommodation made specifically for the US, the National Rifle Association (NRA), a powerful interest group within America, is against the ATT and threatens to stop ratification in the Senate on the grounds increased regulation will affect domestic gun ownership. (MacFarquhar, 2013) The UN Association (UNA) which lobbies on behalf of the UN in America, stands in strong support of the ATT and is working to combat poorly informed opinions on the nature and language contained within the ATT. (UNAUSA, 2013) Proponents on both sides of the Syrian conflict voted against or abstained from the ATT.Syria and Iran voted against the proposal while China and Russia abstained because of â€Å"the lack of an explicit prohibition on the supply of weapons to non-state actors that would, for example, restrain the ability of Syria's armed opposition from building up its stockpile. † (Lynch, 2013) Many of the Persian gulf powers which support the Syrian opp osition, such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Yemen abstained from the vote as well. The vague language in the ATT allows for political pressuring to frame either the Syrian opposition as terrorist groups or the Syrian regime as human rights oppressors and potentially justify a moratorium on arms exports to those organizations. This is one of the main criticisms of the ATT.India also abstained from voting for the treaty, stating that the language was â€Å"the draft treaty was â€Å"tilted† in favor of the world's leading arms exporters. † Other abstentions came from the Latin American sect of countries that generally vote against all US led initiatives in the UN. These countries include Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua. However, the treaty was met with tremendous support in the rest of Latin America and Africa, countries that have seen a tremendous amount of instability at the hands of organizations who receive their arms through illicit arms trafficking such as the drug ca rtels and the Muslim resistance movements. These countries mainly asserted that in the long run, the treaty would curb the arms sales that have fueled many conflicts. MacFarquhar, 2013) The cumulative sum of opposition and abstention for various reasons creates a reality where some of the top arms exporters have chosen not to adhere to the new treaty. This creates concerns on the ultimate effectiveness of the treaty, because a large part of the export nations the treaty was designed to add transparency and regulation to are not participants. America and the Western nations make up a tremendous percentage of global arms sales the percentage fluctuates annually, but America generally represents around half of all arms sales and the UK, France, and other European countries account for between 10 and 15 percent of global sales. Shanker, 2012) So the impact of this treaty will be felt through close to three quarters of global sales, and the hope is that as international norms strengthen, the outlier nations will feel the pressure to conform to these new international standards as well. Success of the treaty Impact analysis over the next decade will truly define the success of this treaty. In fact, ratification will not even begin until June 3, 2013. Every state will define the standards to which they want the treaty to measure up to and view success through that lens. Pertinent questions might arise over the next decade, about how the ATT shifted geopolitical power, how it will enforce arms transfers for conflicts where the consensus is split such as Syria, and whether it will have the teeth to prevent the widening of the black market which generally occurs when more stringent legal precedents are set.At the bare minimum, this treaty must succeed at stopping the supply of weapons to regions of conflict where there is an overwhelming international consensus about the extent of human rights violations being carried out under a particular regime. There will always be political conflict, but through the ATT the ultimate success will be when it succeeds in ensuring that conflict does not manifest into disproportionate violence and perhaps alter the path of least resistance to a point where it is more expedient to resolve conflict through nonviolent means. References Austin,  K. L. (2012, August 20). What Mauritius Can Teach Us About the Global Arms Trade – NYTimes. com. Retrieved  April  11, 2013, from http://atwar. blogs. nytimes. com/2012/08/20/what-mauritius-can-teach-us-about-the-global-arms-trade/? ref=viktorbout Charbonneau,  L. (2013, April 2). U. N. verwhelmingly approves global arms trade treaty| Reuters. Retrieved  April  11, 2013, from http://www. reuters. com/article/2013/04/02/us-arms-treaty-un-idUSBRE9310MN20130402 Collina,  T. (2012, October). The Wassenaar Arrangement at a Glance | Arms Control Association. Retrieved  April  11, 2013, from http://www. armscontrol. org/factsheets/wassenaar Kimball,  D. G. (2013, March 27). ‘Final' Arms Trade Treaty A Good Step Forward | Arms Control Association. Retrieved  April  11, 2013, from http://www. armscontrol. org/pressroom/Final-Arms-Trade-Treaty-A-Good-Step-Forward Kimball,  D. G. (2011, October). The Arms Trade Treaty At a Glance | Arms Control Association. Retrieved  April  11, 2013, from

Ethical neutrality Essay

In what follows, when we use the term â€Å"evaluation† we will mean, where nothing else is implied or expressly stated, practical value-judgments as to the unsatisfactory or satisfactory character of phenomena subject to our influence. The problem involved in the â€Å"freedom† of a given discipline from evaluations of this kind, i. e., the validity and the meaning of this logical principle, is by no means identical with the question which is to be discussed shortly, namely, whether in teaching one should or should not declare one’s acceptance of practical evaluations, regardless of whether they are based on ethical principles, cultural ideals or a philosophical outlook. This question cannot be settled scientifically. It is itself entirely a question of practical evaluation, and cannot therefore be definitively resolved. With reference to this issue, a wide variety of views are held, of which we shall only mention the two extremes. At one pole we find (a) the standpoint that there is validity in the distinction between purely logically deducible and purely empirical statements of fact on the one hand, and practical, ethical or philosophical evaluations on the other, but that, nevertheless – or, perhaps, even on that account- both classes of problems properly belong in the university. At the other pole we encounter (b) the proposition that even when the distinction cannot be made in a logically complete manner, it is nevertheless desirable that the assertion of practical evaluations should be avoided as much as possible in teaching. This second point of view seems to me to be untenable. Particularly untenable is the distinction which is rather often made in our field between evaluations linked with the positions of â€Å"political parties† and other sorts of evaluations. This distinction cannot be reasonably made: it obscures the practical implications of the evaluations which are suggested to the audience. Once the assertion of evaluations in university lectures is admitted, the contention that the university teacher should be entirely devoid of â€Å"passion† and that he should avoid all subjects which threaten to bring emotion into controversies is a narrow-minded, bureaucratic opinion which every teacher of independent spirit must reject. Of those scholars who believed that they should not renounce the assertion of practical evaluations in empirical discussions, the most passionate of them – such as Treitschke and, in his own way, Mommsen- were the most tolerable. As a result of their intensely emotional tone, their audiences were enabled to discount the influence of their evaluations in whatever distortion of the facts occurred. Thus, the audiences did for themselves what the lecturers could not do because of their temperaments. The effect on the minds of the students was to produce the same depth of moral feeling which, in my opinion, the proponents of the assertion of practical evaluations in teaching want to assure – but without the audience being confused as to the logical distinctiveness of the different types of propositions. This confusion must of necessity occur whenever both the exposition of empirical facts and the exhortation to espouse a particular evaluative standpoint on important issues are done with the same cool dispassionateness. The first point of view (a) is acceptable, and can indeed be acceptable from the standpoint of its own proponents, only when the teacher sees it as his unconditional duty – in every single case, even to the point where it involves the danger of making his lecture less stimulating – to make absolutely clear to his audience, and especially to himself, which of his statements are statements of logically deduced or empirically observed facts and which are statements of practical evaluation. Once one has granted the disjunction between the two spheres, it seems to me that doing this is an imperative requirement of intellectual honesty. It is the absolutely minimal requirement in this case. On the other hand, the question whether one should in general assert practical evaluations in teaching – even with this reservation – is one of practical university policy. On that account, in the last analysis, it must be decided only with reference to those tasks which the individual, according to his own set of values, assigns to the universities. Those who on the basis of their qualifications as university teachers assign to the universities, and thereby to themselves, the universal role of forming character, of inculcating political, ethical, aesthetic, cultural or other beliefs, will take a different position from those who believe it necessary to affirm the proposition and its implications – that university teaching achieves really valuable effects only through specialised training by specially qualified persons. Hence, â€Å"intellectual integrity† is the only specific virtue which universities should seek to inculcate. The first point of view can be defended from as many different ultimate evaluative standpoints as the second. The second – which I personally accept – can be derived from a most enthusiastic as well as from a thoroughly modest estimate of the significance of â€Å"specialised training†. In order to defend this view, one need not be of the opinion that everyone should become as much a pure â€Å"specialist† as possible. One may, on the contrary, espouse it because one does not wish to see the ultimate and deepest personal decisions which a person must make regarding his life, treated exactly as if they were the same as specialised training. One may take this position, however highly one assesses the significance of specialised training, not only for general intellectual training but indirectly also for the self-discipline and the ethical attitude of the young person. Another reason for taking this position is that one does not wish to see the student so influenced by the teacher’s suggestions that he is prevented from solving his problems in accordance with the dictates of his own conscience. Professor von Schmoller’s favourable disposition towards the teacher’s assertion of his own evaluations in the lecture room is thoroughly intelligible to me personally as the echo of a great epoch which he and his friends helped to create. Even he, however, cannot deny the fact that for the younger generation the objective situation has changed considerably in one important respect. Forty years ago there existed among the scholars working in our discipline, the widespread belief that of the various possible points of view in the domain of practical-political evaluations, ultimately only one was the ethically correct one. (Schmoller himself took this position only to a limited extent. ) Today this is no longer the case among the proponents of the assertion of professorial evaluations – as may readily be observed. The legitimacy of the assertion of professorial evaluation is no longer defended in the name of an ethical imperative resting on a relatively simple postulate of justice, which both in its ultimate foundations as well as in its consequences, partly was, and partly seemed to be, relatively unambiguous, and above all relatively impersonal, in consequence of its specifically trans-personal character. Rather, as the result of an inevitable development, it is now done in the name of a motley of â€Å"cultural evaluations†, i. e. , actually subjective cultural demands, or quite openly, in the name of the teachers’ alleged â€Å"rights of personality†. One may well wax indignant over this point of view, but one cannot- because it is a â€Å"practical evaluation† – refute it. Of all the types of prophecy, this â€Å"personally† tinted type of professorial prophecy is the most repugnant. There is no precedent for a situation in which a large number of officially appointed prophets do their preaching or make their professions of faith, not, as other prophets do, on the streets, or in churches or other public places- or if they do it privately, then in personally chosen sectarian conventicles – but rather regard themselves as best qualified to enunciate their evaluations on ultimate questions â€Å"in the name of science† and in the carefully protected quiet of governmentally privileged lecture halls in which they cannot be controlled, or checked by discussion, or subjected to contradiction. It is an axiom of long standing, which Schmoller on one occasion vigorously espoused, that what takes place in the lecture hall should be entirely confidential and not subject to public discussion. Although it is possible to contend that, even for purely academic purposes, this may occasionally have certain disadvantages, I take the view that a â€Å"lecture† should be different from a â€Å"speech†. The unconfined rigour, matter-of-factness and sobriety of the lecture declines, with definite pedagogical losses, once it becomes the object of publicity through, for example, the press. It is only in the sphere of his specialised qualifications that the university teacher is entitled to this privilege of freedom from outside surveillance or publicity. There is, however, no specialised qualification for personal prophecy, and for this reason it should not be granted the privilege of freedom from contradiction and public scrutiny. Furthermore, there should be no exploitation of the fact that the student, in order to make his way in life, must attend certain educational institutions and take courses with certain teachers with the result that in addition to what he needs, i.e. , the stimulation and cultivation of his capacity for understanding and reasoning, and a certain body of factual information – he also gets, slipped in among these, the teacher’s own attitude towards the world which even though sometimes interesting is often of no consequence, and which is in any case not open to contradiction and challenge. Like everyone else, the professor has other opportunities for the propagation of his ideals. When these opportunities are lacking, he can easily create them in an appropriate form, as experience has shown in the case of every honorable attempt. But the professor should not demand the right as a professor to carry the marshal’s baton of the statesman or the cultural reformer in his knapsack. This, however, is just what he does when he uses the unassailability of the academic lecture platform for the expression of political – or cultural-political- sentiments. In the press, in public meetings, in associations, in essays, in every avenue which is open to every other citizen, he can and should do what his God or daemon demands. The student should obtain, from his teacher in the lecture hall, the capacity to content himself with the sober execution of a given task; to recognize facts, even those which may be personally uncomfortable, and to distinguish them from his own evaluations. He should also learn to subordinate himself to his task and to repress the impulse to exhibit his personal sensations or other emotional states unnecessarily. This is vastly more important today than it was 40 years ago when the problem did not even exist in its present form. It is not true – as many have insisted – that the â€Å"personality† is and should be a â€Å"whole†, in the sense that it is distorted when it is not exhibited on every possible occasion. Every professional task has its own â€Å"responsibilities† and should be fulfilled accordingly. In the execution of his professional responsibility, a man should confine himself to it alone and should exclude whatever does not strictly belong to it – particularly his own loves and hates. The powerful personality does not manifest itself by trying to give everything a â€Å"personal touch† on every possible occasion. The generation which is now coming of age should, above all, again become used to the thought that â€Å"being a personality† is a condition which cannot be intentionally brought about by wanting it and that there is only one way by which it can – perhaps- be achieved: namely, the unreserved devotion to a â€Å"task†, whatever it – and its derivative â€Å"demands of the hour†- may be in any individual instance. It is in poor taste to mix personal concerns with the specialised analysis of facts. We deprive the word â€Å"vocation† of the only significant meaning it still possesses if we fail to adhere to that specific kind of self-restraint which it requires. But whether the fashionable â€Å"cult of the personality† seeks to dominate the throne, public office or the professorial chair – its effectiveness is only superficially impressive. Intrinsically, it is very petty and it always has injurious consequences. It should not be necessary for me to emphasise that the proponents of the views against which the present essay is directed can accomplish very little by this sort of cult of the â€Å"personality† for the very reason that it is â€Å"personal†. In part, they see the responsibilities of the university teacher in another light, in part they have other educational ideas which I respect but do not share. For this reason we must seriously consider no only what they are striving to achieve, but also how the views which they legitimate by their authority influence a generation with an already extremely pronounced predisposition to overestimate its own importance. Finally, it scarcely needs to be pointed out that many ostensible opponents of the academic assertion of political evaluations are by no means justified when they invoke the postulate of â€Å"ethical neutrality†, which they often gravely misunderstand, to discredit cultural and social-political discussions which take place in public and away from the university lecture hall. The indubitable existence of this spuriously â€Å"ethically neutral† tendentiousness, which in our discipline is manifested in the obstinate and deliberate partisanship of powerful interest groups, explains why a significant number of intellectually honorable scholars still continue to assert personal preferences in their teaching. They are too proud to identify themselves with this spurious abstention from evaluation. I believe that, in spite of this, what in my opinion is right should be done, and that the influence of the practical evaluations of a scholar, who confines himself to championing them on appropriate occasions outside the classroom, will increase when it becomes known that, inside the classroom, he has the strength of character to do exactly what he was appointed to do. But these statements are, in their turn, all matters of evaluation, and hence scientifically undemonstrable. In any case, the fundamental principle which justifies the practice of asserting practical evaluations in teaching can be consistently held only when its proponents demand that the proponents of the evaluations of all other parties be granted the opportunity to demonstrate the validity of their evaluations from the academic platform . But in Germany, insistence on the right of professors to state their preferences has been associated with the very opposite of the demand for the equal representation of all tendencies- including the most â€Å"extreme†. Schmoller thought that he was being entirely consistent when he declared that â€Å"Marxists and the Manchester school† were disqualified from holding academic positions, although he was never so unjust as to ignore their intellectual accomplishments. It is exactly on these points that I could never agree with our honoured master. One obviously ought not in one breath to justify the expression of evaluations in teaching – and when the conclusions are drawn therefrom, point out that the university is a state institution for the training of â€Å"loyal† civil servants. Such a procedure makes the university, not into a specialised technical school- which appears to be so degrading to many teachers- but rather into a theological seminary, although it does not have the religious dignity of the latter. Attempts have been made to set certain purely â€Å"logical† limits to the range of evaluations which should be allowed in university teaching. One of our foremost professors of law once explained, in discussing his opposition to the exclusion of socialists from university posts, that he too would be unwilling to accept an â€Å"anarchist† as a teacher of law since anarchists, in principle, deny the validity of law – and he regarded this argument as conclusive. My own opinion is exactly the opposite. An anarchist can surely be a good legal scholar. And if he is such, then indeed the Archimedean point of his convictions, which is outside the conventions and presuppositions which are so self-evident to us, could enable him to perceive problems in the fundamental postulates of legal theory which escape those who take them for granted. The most fundamental doubt is one source of knowledge. The jurist is no more responsible for â€Å"proving† the value of these cultural objects which are bound up with â€Å"law†, than the physician is responsible for demonstrating that the prolongation of life should be striven for under all conditions. Neither of them can do this with the means at their disposal. If, however, one wishes to turn the university into a forum for discussion of practical evaluations, then it obviously is obligatory to permit the most unrestricted freedom of discussion of fundamental questions from all standpoints. Is this feasible? Today the most decisive and important political evaluations are denied expression in German universities by the very nature of the present political situation. For all those to whom the interests of the national society transcend any of its individual concrete institutions, it is a question of central importance whether the conception which prevails today regarding the position of the monarch in Germany is reconcilable with the world interests of the country, and with the means- war and diplomacy- through which these are pursued. It is not always the worst patriots nor even anti-monarchists who give a negative answer to this question, and who doubt the possibility of lasting success in both these spheres unless some profound changes are made. Everyone knows, however, that these vital questions of our national life cannot be discussed with full freedom in German universities . In view of the fact that certain evaluations which are of decisive political significance are permanently prohibited in university discussion, it seems to me to be only in accord with the dignity of a representative of science and scholarship to be silent about such evaluations as he is allowed to expound. In no case, however, should the unresolvable question – unresolvable because it is ultimately a question of evaluations – as to whether one may, must, or should champion certain practical evaluations in teaching, be confused with the purely logical discussion of the relationship of evaluations to empirical disciplines such as sociology and economics. Any confusion on this point will hamper the thoroughness of the discussion of the logical problem. However, even the solution of the logical problem will provide no aid in seeking to answer the other question, beyond the two purely logically required conditions of clarity and an explicit distinction by the teacher of the different classes of problems. Nor need I discuss further whether the distinction between empirical propositions or statements of fact and practical evaluations is â€Å"difficult† to make. It is. All of us, those of us who take this position as well as others, come up against it time and again. But the exponents of the so-called â€Å"ethical economics†, particularly, should be aware, even though the moral law is unfulfillable, it is nonetheless â€Å"imposed† as a duty. Self-scrutiny would perhaps show that the fulfillment of this postulate is especially difficult, just because we reluctantly refuse to approach the very alluring subject of evaluation with a titillating â€Å"personal touch†. Every teacher has observed that the faces of his students light up and they become more interested when he begins to make a profession of faith, and that the attendance at his lectures is greatly increased by the expectation that he will do so. Everyone knows furthermore that, in the competition for students, universities when making recommendations for promotion will often give a prophet, however minor, who can fill the lecture halls, the upper hand over a much weightier and more sober scholar who does not offer his own evaluations. Of course, it is  understood that the prohet will leave untouched the politically dominant or conventional evaluations which are generally accepted at the time. Only the spuriously â€Å"ethical-neutral† prophet who speaks for powerful groups has, of course, better opportunities for promotion as a result of the influence which these groups have on the prevailing political powers. I regard all this as very unsatisfactory, and I will therefore not go into the proposition that the demand for abstention from evaluation is â€Å"petty† and that it makes lectures â€Å"boring†. I will not go into the question as to whether lecturers on specialised empirical problems must seek above all to be â€Å"interesting†. For my own part, in any case, I fear that a lecturer who makes his lectures stimulating by the intrusion of personal evaluations will, in the long run, weaken the students’ taste for sober empirical analysis. I will acknowledge without further discussion that it is possible, under the guise of eliminating all practical evaluations, to insinuate such evaluations with especial force by simple â€Å"letting the facts speak for themselves†. The better kind of parliamentary and electoral speeches in Germany operate in this way – and quite legitimately, given their purposes. No words should be wasted in declaring that all such procedures in university lectures, particularly if one is concerned with the observance of this separation, are , of all abuses, the most abhorrent. The fact, however, that a dishonestly created illusion of the fulfillment of an ethical imperative can be passed off as the reality, constitutes no criticism of the imperative itself. At any rate, even if the teacher does not believe that he should deny himself the right of rendering evaluations, he should make it absolutely explicit to the students and to himself that he is doing so. Finally, we must oppose to the utmost the widespread view that scientific â€Å"objectivity† is achieved by weighing the various evaluations against one another and making a â€Å"statesman-like† compromise among them. The â€Å"middle way† is not only just as undemonstrable scientifically – with the means of the empirical sciences – as the â€Å"most extreme† evaluations: in the sphere of evaluations, it is the least unequivocal. It does not belong in the university – but rather in political programmes, government offices, and in parliament. IThe sciences, both normative and empirical, are capable of rendering an inestimable service to persons engaged in political activity by telling them that (1) these and these â€Å"ultimate† evaluative positions are conceivable with reference to this practical problem; and (2) that such and such are the facts which you must take into account in making your choice between these evaluative positions. And with this we come to the real problem.

Financial Markets and Instruments Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Financial Markets and Instruments - Essay Example ovides a liquid secondary market for illiquid assets like home mortgages and financial debt instruments, increases credit availability and offers low credit costs through low financing costs. Regulation has also played a role in the resurgence of securitization. With regulations that require stronger capital and liquidity positions for financial companies in the US, the consumer has been protected from the malpractices of investment bankers (Gaschler, 668). These regulations have led to consumer confidence and in turn led to the resurgence of securitization. Credit enhancement is a strategy used by companies to either improve the terms of their outstanding debt or credit worthiness, or both. Through credit enhancement, the credit worthiness of a borrower is increased while the lender is given reassurance that there will be no default. Investment banks have made use of both internal and external credit enhancement strategies to boost securitization (Powell and Rogers, 77). External credit enhancement can be done through letter of credit, wrapped securities, cash collateral account and surety bonds while internal credit rating can be done through excess spread, over collateralization, reserve account and credit

Research & Professional Skills - Group Research Report Essay

Research & Professional Skills - Group Research Report - Essay Example The literature review will be the only qualitative method used for this study. Using this method, the researcher will carry out an analysis of the secondary sources of information which will include books, journals and internet sources. The use of this method is important as it allows the researcher to begin the work by reviewing previous works in the study area. It also allows the researcher to carry out a theoretical analysis of the research topic. This theoretical analysis and review of previous work will help the researcher to lay a theoretical framework that justifies the investment and efforts taken in conducting further studies using quantitative methods (Wayne & Melville, 2004). The primary sources of data used will give the researcher an exploratory and analytical approach to answering the research questions. The researcher will use these quantitative methods after conducting a literature review of the existing sources to lay a theoretical framework that justifies further investigations by using primary sources i.e. interviews (Wayne & Melville, 2004). The collection of primary information will include interviews. The way in which these techniques are implemented will determine the quality, the cost and the logistical efforts required in carrying out the study. Where possible, the researcher will carry out interviews online using various open source chat technologies. However, the method used in each case depends on the availability of the respondent, presence of an internet connection and the costs related to such a method. The study area for this research will be ideally in Ireland. However, the researcher can also find some Irish cosmetics consumers in other areas near the location of the study. Of particular importance to this research is the responses of Irish respondents regardless of their area of stay. To carry out effective research, we shall consider a population of 20

Who is your role model and how did that person impact your life Essay

Who is your role model and how did that person impact your life - Essay Example He made me realize my purpose and potential, my dreams are to change the world to become a better place where the world would be free from diseases, and quality healthcare would be available to all. Like Obama, I am determined not to give up on my dreams. Moreover, President Obama has taught me never to lose my hopes, always focus on the future, and press forward always no matter the obstacles. According to Price (92) his opponents said negative things about him such as he did not have any political experience to govern a state like America, but he did not listen to them because his intentions were focused on the best lives for all. Becoming the president of America was not an easy thing considering that he was an African American, he came from a humble family, was not famous, his family had no political background, and of all things his father was a Muslim. Therefore, I have emulated Obama’s behaviors, and now I am a persistent, strong minded and compassionate person. Many thanks to Obama as a weak, intolerant, and unconfident me, is now gone. I am now the most passionate and outstanding person in whatever I do, and I am not ready to stop. Price, Joann. Barrack Obama: A Biography. U.S.A: Greenwood Press, 2008. Google books. Web. 28 Oct. 2014.

Child Protective Services Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Child Protective Services - Essay Example Arguments from both parties will then help the reader reach a conclusion; of their own. Going through a brief history of the CPS, in 1655 the first criminal case was brought up against child abuse in the courts of what is now the United States of America. In 1825, states made laws to protect the rights of children and granting the authority to several agencies to remove children from the custody of parents and guardians who were proved unfit to perform the parental duties (Thomas, 295). By 1974, 49 U.S States had passed the law; hence â€Å"Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act† (CAPTA) was passed by the federal government (Pecora et al, 232). This act established CPS which started functioning by 1974. Thesis CPS is an important part of the present society; it should be made a affirm agency with law enforcement agencies on its call so it is a powerful force against those who embark upon the future of our future generation. A lot of hue and cry has been raised against the CP S and its services but every establishment has its own defects, so does the CPS. As the amount f cases per year registered increases every year, more work has to be put in to secure our future. Basic argument is about the downsizing of the program due to its inefficiency to tackle the modern problems. However, the ball is in the government’s court, to effectively finance the program so no child goes unattended as the worker to case ratio is going out of hand. Support Many people in the social service setups have been calling out for betterment in the current system. Abuse and neglect in children is still prevalent; the system has loopholes through which parents and foster care givers are benefitting, covering their deeds by the noble act of performing their responsibility, key word being ‘act’. Every coin has two faces; both are different, almost opposites. American sentiment toward residential placement for troubled youths is increasingly troubled, passive and e ven aggressive. Even then, many families are too weak to keep their youth unharmed. Foster families are not available for as many as 840,000 children who will require placement by 1995. The most empirically supported criticism of residential placement is its limited positive influence on post placement problems such as delinquency (Pecora et al., 1992). Children are living on roadsides as their parents are to poor or drunk to even know their own self, let alone take care of their offspring. Also, child abuse is an issue which will have disastrous effects on the upcoming generations. CPS comes as the only ray of hope. They take these distressed children under their care and place them with caring, willing families; who have taken the pledge to help the society. In this criminal world, child molesters and drug addicted parents are a big threat to the safety of children. CPS is the right organization to counter these threats. Some extreme steps have to be taken in order to make CPS a r eckoning force like the IRS. Opposition Child Protective Services also has some basic errors. There is huge cry from many quarters of the society that this service should be suspended. If the next generation has to be protected in their homes, this system has to transform radically. The main issue is the anti-family mindset of the CPS. Foster placement should be the last option for the CPS, not the first one. With improper check and balance in the system, the system that was

Group Work Speech or Presentation Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Group Work - Speech or Presentation Example The work was divided into five categories where each person was supposed to generate ideas about that particular task and these ideas would be used in the group work. I can illustrate this with an example. In software development, there are many people work together on different parts of the same code. These people can have different styles and algorithm logics but when they are done, they send their work to software engineers who can modify it or design it to produce the desired results. Software engineers are specialized in this area since they can assemble the codes in order to complete the project task. In brief, we had to work on different parts which were later going to be assembled to produce one meaningful component. Therefore, the presentation has to be like essay where each person has to contribute ideas which can be linked to form one meaningful document with clear ideas. In our presentation, each person had a part which was different from the others and this caused confli cts in trying to link the ideas into a meaningful task. We met a couple of times in order to try to iron out the problems as a group so that we could all understand what we were doing. In most cases, we communicated via the email. Though this is not a bad channel of communication with regards to simple things, I realised that complex issues when preparing for a presentation to be done in a short require face to face interaction so that the members can understand each other clearly. The other problem was the structure of the presentation.

Marketing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 14

Marketing - Essay Example Market forecasts for the digital media industry over the past four years are said to be inaccurate and reflected a longer span of time before a major market segment is established. This scenario, however, was altered when Apple iTunes Music Store and Ipod Video was introduced by Apple. The success of these products had been phenomenal and is poised to change the landscape of the entertainment world. It was Apple who introduced and pushed for the concepts of video on demand (VOD), along with novel ideas such as pod casting, which is becoming a major factor in video marketing. Sales of the Ipod Video had been surprisingly brisk since Christmas and Apple is likely to raise its sales to 30% for the first quarter of 2006 alone. Steve Jobs, Apple CEO, announced in an Apple press release that they have sold one million videos in less than 20 days of Ipod Video’s release. (Apple) Meanwhile, the traffic on Apple iTunes online store was reported to have jumped 50% in the latter part of last year. (Siglin) A week after its launch, Apple iTunes Music Store boasted to have reached a 2 million-dollar mark, with the store selling music for $0.99 a song. The staggering demand for the Apple portable media has not gone unnoticed by the video industry. Last October, Ipod Video’s launch was sent off by a historical deal between Apple and ABC with the sale of the latter’s television series â€Å"Lost† episodes through Apple iTunes Music Store. Apple is currently in strategic partnership with Walt Disney Co., ABC’s parent company, which involves similar sale of popular ABC shows like â€Å"Desperate Housewives,† â€Å"Night Stalker,† and â€Å"That’s So Raven.† Siglin quoted the NBC Universal chairman, Bob Wright, being interviewed by the Los Angeles Times: â€Å"Apple’s success certainly reinforces the view that there is a demand out there†¦ It’s for real, and it’s going to be with us for a long

Responses Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Responses - Essay Example This situation appears to have persisted for at least three years and the principal responded by encouraging the School Board’s dismissal of the teacher. An appeal to the State Secretary by the teacher was unsuccessful. According to Virginia Code SS 23-38 118, Miscellaneous Personnel Matters, the teacher’s tenure, promotions appointments are entirely up to the school. (Virginia Code ss 23-38, 118) In other words, the institution in which the educator is employed can determined for itself if the teacher is up â€Å"merit and fitness†. (Virginia Code ss 23-38, 118) Moreover, the teacher does not have a constitutionally protected right to employment as a teacher in the elementary school from which he was dismissed. In order to successfully appeal the decision or to take it to court the teacher is required under the Virginia State Code, to prove that the decision to dismiss him originated from an error, or that the discretion exercised by the principal and the authoritative bodies that supported the principal’s decision was an abuse of discretion, or that a civil right was contravened. Assuming that the only complained of was the right to teach, the elementary school teacher will fail on that ground since there is no constitutionally protected right to teach in a particular school. As for the finding of error, the teacher will have a difficult time substantiating this claim since the principal and assistant principal both observed the teacher ignoring the school’s curriculum. Moreover, the teacher was accused of making inappropriate comments to his pupils and when confronted he did not deny making them. It was therefore incumbent upon the principle to take some action, particularly if the comments continued. It is also highly unlikely that the teacher will be able to substantiate a claim that the principle of the school authorities abused their